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Published among the posthumous Opuscula of Isaac Barrow in 1687, the Epitome fidei et religionis Turcicae offers an exposition of the main tenets and practices of Islam that is unusually accurate for its time. The Epitome has been noted in passing by Barrow’s biographers and by scholars of seventeenth-century Oriental studies; but it is here firmly identified as the work of the Polish-born Ottoman dragoman and musician Ali Ufki, known in Latin as Albertus Bobovius (Wojciech Bobowski). As the Epitome (...) has never before been studied in detail, this article considers its nature, its importance and its circulation in the European Republic of Letters. The first part treats the evidence of Barrow’s amateur interest in Oriental studies, including his acquisition of the Epitome, and establishes Ufki’s authorship of the treatise. The second part examines the Epitome itself and traces its dissemination and influence through such figures as John Worthington, Samuel Hartlib, William Sancroft, Claes Rålamb and Johan Ulrich von Wallich. (shrink)

La question des racines, des sources et des successions tient une place importante dans l'ecclésiologie nord-africaine. Certaines expressions de Tertullien, de Cyprien, d'Optat de Milève et d'Augustin, particulièrement celles qui comportent caput, radix, princeps et quelques mots apparentés, doivent parfois être entendues comme indiquant la source d'une chose, plutôt que comme des mots signifiant pouvoir et autorité.

"De ente et essentia" from Thomas Aquinas. Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274), sanctus, doctor Ecclesiae catholicae, theologus italianus et philosophus mediaevalis.

Les traditions religieuses asiatiques représentent pour le christianisme des partenaires exigeants du dialogue interreligieux. L'hindouisme, et en particulier sa mystique de la non-dualité, en est un exemple frappant. L'article montre d'abord la différence qui sépare l'expérience religieuse de Jésus et la non-dualiste hindoue. Quelle valeur alors la théologie chrétienne peut-elle attribuer à la tradition religieuse et mystique de l'hindouisme ? Ensuite, l'A. montre que certains éléments des traditions religieuses peuvent constituer l'expression concrète d'une rencontre entre le Dieu de Jésus-Christ et (...) les membres de ces traditions. Enfin, il montre le caractère enrichissant de ce dialogue interreligieux. (shrink)

Jusqu'au IXe siècle, en Orient où l'Empire romain perdure comme en Occident où il n'existe plus, « l'Église » se pense et se vit sur le mode synodal, avec les nuances qu'apporte, ici, l'idéologie eusébienne, donnant le primat au « palais royal » sur le « siège apostolique », et, là, l'augustinienne, qui soutient l'inverse. Deux siècles plus tard, alors que l'Empire byzantin a cessé de prétendre à l'universalité romaine, la chrétienté latine occidentale ne rêve que de renovatio romani imperii, (...) à son bénéfice. Entre ces deux moments, il y a l'éphémère aventure de Gerbert d'Aurillac qui, après avoir défendu à Reims la cause des évêques contre le pape, devint, par la grâce d'Otton III, le pape de l'An Mil, Sylvestre II : c'était le nom que portait le pontife du temps de Constantin, auquel le nouvel empereur ne cesse de se référer, en souhaitant un empire moins germanique qu'universel. Ce dut être une grande joie, pour le pape, d'entendre Otton dire en 1001 : « Nous proclamons Rome capitale du monde et nous reconnaissons l'Église romaine comme mère de toutes les Églises. » Désormais, la communion n'est plus réglée par la lex communis ecclesiae catholicae, mais par 1'unius arbitrium et Sylvestre II parlera en « père universel », conscient d'exercer seul le ministère de Pierre. C'est dans ces fortes convictions que l'Église romaine affrontera la crise de la chrétienté des XIIIe-XIVe siècles. Up until the ninth century, when the Roman Empire continued in the East but ceased to exist in the West, « the Church » thought and lived in the synodal mode. The slight difference was that Eusebien ideology prevailed in the East, which gave primacy to the « royal palace » over the « apostolic seat », while Augustinien ideology held the contrary in the West. Two centuries later, when the Byzantine Empire ceased to pretend to Roman universality, western Latin Christianity dreamed only of the renewal of the Roman Empire, to its own advantage. Between these two moments, there was the ephemeral adventure of Gerbert of Aurillac who, after having defended the cause of the bishops against the pope at Reims, became pope Sylvester II in the year 1000, thanks to Otto III. Sylvester was the name of the pontiff at the time of Constantine, to whom the new emperor didn’t cease to compare himself in wishing an empire less Germanic than universal. It must have been a great joy for the pope to hear Otto say in 1001 : « We proclaim Rome the capital of the world and we recognize the Roman Church as mother of all the Churches. » In the future, communion was no longer regulated by the Catholic Church's common law, but by the unius arbitrium, and Sylvester II will speak as « universal father », conscious of exercising alone the ministry of Peter. It is with these strong convictions that the Roman Church would face the crisis of Christianity in the XIII and XIV centuries. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Vetera Novis Augere et Perficere:Thomas Aquinas and Christian-Muslim DialogueJoseph Ellul, O.P.Pope Leo XIII's encyclical letter Aeterni Patris, issued on August 4, 1879, sought to address many issues that were challenging nineteenth-century Catholic scholarship and academic life. In proposing the thought of Thomas Aquinas as a model of Catholic teaching, the Pope intended, in his own words, "to strengthen and complete the old by aid of the new,"1 not only (...) by reviving the study of the works and teachings of the Angelic Doctor, especially in the realm of philosophy, but also to uphold as perennial his method of engaging with his contemporaries within and without the Catholic faith.2 It is within this context that we are called upon to reflect upon this appeal: "vetera novis augere et perficere."The thirteenth century was indeed a time of intellectual upheaval, following the introduction of Aristotle and, later on, the translations into Latin of the Arabic commentaries on Aristotle by Ibn Rušd (Lat. Averröes; d. 1198). This event was met within the ecclesiastical world with apprehension, if not outright fear. Neo-Platonic philosophy and its interpretation by Ibn Sina (Lat. Avicenna; d. 1037) was already perfectly acceptable to Mediaeval Christian scholars. The latter was in fact considered an essential tool for understanding the illuminationist thought of St. Augustine. Étienne Gilson even spoke of Augustinisme avicennisant (Avicennized [End Page 1231] Augustinianism).3 The problem was Aristotle and his renowned commentator Ibn Rušd: a pagan commented on by an infidel.One must also note, however, that mediaeval Western intellectuals and institutions were able to encounter and adapt the Islamic legacy, because they already possessed a sufficient scientific base (with of course the contribution of translations of Greek together with Latin works) with which to understand, assimilate, and build upon this new knowledge that appeared from the East. In sum, mediaeval Christendom created living, vibrant societies, constantly searching, always discovering something new.In dealing with the specific (and delicate) subject of Aquinas's dialogue with Islamic thought, it would be necessary to reflect in particular upon two key works of his: the Liber de Veritate Catholicae Fidei contra Errores Infidelium (A Book on the Truth of the Catholic Faith against the Errors of Unbelievers),4 popularly known as the Summa contra gentiles [SCG], together with his De rationibus fidei contra Saracenos, Gnæcos et Armenos ad Cantorem Antiochenum, better known simply as De rationibus fidei.At this point it would be necessary to articulate the term "Islamic thought." Of itself it should not be identified with Islam as a religion. Rather, it should be considered as embracing classical Greek philosophy as interpreted by the Neo-Platonic movement and disseminated through Oriental Christian and Jewish schools of thought. Islamic civilization absorbed these teachings and built its own proper ediice upon these foundations.A Model for Interreligious Dialogue?Proposing Thomas Aquinas as a model for engagement with Islamic thought may also raise a few eyebrows. Hence, it would be appropriate to pose an essential question: "What type of dialogue existed in mediaeval times?" One should begin with an a priori exclusion of dialogue as it is understood today, given the fact that there existed neither the motive nor the means to implement it.In fact mediaeval society was aware of only three religions: the pagan, which had been replaced by Christianity; the Jewish, founded upon the precepts of the First Covenant which "Christ fulilled by his actions and [End Page 1232] by his teaching"5 and which was also believed to prefigure the everlasting New Covenant sealed by Jesus on the Cross; and finally, the Christian, which believed in Jesus as the final revelation of God to humanity.6 With such a vision in mind it is obvious that any doctrine that is not situated within these parameters, or which proposes some form of belief or conduct which was different from, if not contrary to, the Christian vision of God, the cosmos, and society, would be considered as heretical and its promoter an impostor.7When Islam made its appearance in the Christian world, it carried with it a book that it considered of divine provenance, and... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:THE CONCEPT OF POVERTY IN ST. THOMAS AQUINAS'S CONTRA IMPUGNANTES DE/ CULTUM ET RELIGIONEM JOHN D. ]ONES Marquette University Milwaukee, Wisconsin MEDIEVAL CONCEPTIONS of poverty have been given ongoing and serious attention by scholars during this century. The extensive literature on the nature and practice of poverty among the Franciscans bears witness to this. Serious investigation of St. Thomas Aquinas's understanding of poverty, however, is virtually nonexistent. Except for (...) a very recent book by Ulrich Horst,' there are, so far as I know, no monographs or dissertations treating this aspect of Aquinas's thought. The most thorough discussion in English, which falls far short of sustained textual or critical analysis, is given by Philip Mulhern.2 Apart from an article by Silvana Spirito, which primarily focuses on historical issues, one finds only scattered references and notes in other works.3 1 Ulrich Horst, Evangelische Annut und Kirche: Thomas van Aquin und die Annutskontroversen des 13. und beginnenden 14. Jahrhunderts (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1992). This work was published after the present article was completed. : Philip Mulhern, Dedicated Poverty (Staten Island: Alba House, 1973), 116-31. "II problema della poverta e deIla perfezione religiosa nell'ambito delie polemiche tra clero secolare e ordini mendicanti," Atti Del Congresso Internazionale, ed. Congresso internazionale Tommaso d'Aquino (Napoli: Edizioni domenicane italiane, 1974), 49-57. Worthy of mention is Scott Swenson's concise, but detailed, note on poverty in the Contra impugnantes (Emerging Concepts of Jurisdiction, Sacramental Orders and Property Rights Among Dominican Thinkers From Thomas Aquinas to Hervaeus Natalis [Ph.D. Diss., Cornell University, 1988], 265, n.159). For a brief discussion of poverty in 409 410 JOHN D. JONES The absence of scholarship in this area stands in marked contrast to the lavish philosophical and theological attention given to many other aspects of Aquinas's thought. If Thomas gave only a cursory nod to the subject of poverty, this absence might be understandable. Over the course of his career, however, Thomas composed several extended discussions and numerous shorter notes pertaining to poverty, concentrating particularly on the nature and practice of poverty in religious life. In addition to the Contra impugnantes Dei cultum et religionem, a relatively early work devoted to a defense of the mendicant orders and mendicant poverty, there are extended discussions of poverty in the Contra pestiferam doctrinam retrahentium homines a religionis ingressu, cc. 14-16, the Summa contra gentiles, bk. III, c.131-35, and the Summa theologiae (51), II-II, q. 184, a. 7, q. 186, aa. 3&6, q. 188, a. 7, etc. There are also brief discussions and references to poverty (paupertas) and the poor (pauper) in nearly thirty other works ranging from the In Sententiarum to various Scripture commentaries.4 My purpose in this paper is to present a close, but by no means comprehensive, textual and critical analysis of Thomas's treatment of poverty in the Contra impugnantes, concentrating on the crucial sixth chapter.5 I am interested in Thomas's conception of Summa theologiae, 11-11, q. 188, a. 7, see John D. Jones, Poverty and the Human Condition (New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 1990), 317-320. Also see Jones, "Poverty and Subsistence: St. Thomas and the Definition of Poverty," Gregorianum 75 (1994): 135-49. 4 The Contra impugnantes dei cultum et religionem and Contra pestiferam doctrinam retrahentes homines a religionis ingressu are contained in the Leonine Opera Omnia, vol. XLI (Rome: St. Thomas Aquinas Foundation, 1970) and in Opuscula theologica, vol. 2, ed. RM. Spiazzi (Turin: Marietti, 1954). An English translation of both works is contained in An Apologyfor the Religious Orders, ed. John Procter (London: Sands and Co., 1902), 50-376 and 377-479 respectively. I am using the Blackfrairs edition of the Summa theologiae (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964-81). By and large, I have followed existing translations of Thomas's works, although for the sake of accuracy, I have occasionally modified them, especially Proctor's translations of the Contra impugnantes and Contra retrahentes. 5 The discussion of poverty is contained chiefly in chapter 6 (cited in the Marietti edition as 2.5[6]). All citations in my paper will be to this chapter unless otherwise noted. Following typical form, the chapter contains... (shrink)

Comme l’explique l’introduction des deux éditeurs, ce volume ras­semble les Actes du troisième colloque de théologie des religions de l’Uni­versité de Sicile, après un premier volume sur Jésus-Christ et l’unicité de la médiation (publié à Milan en 2000), et un deuxième, qui se proposait de dresser le bilan et les perspectives de la théologie des religions (2001). Ce troisième colloque fut marqué par le passage à la réflexion sur des thèmes théologiques spécifiques. Les intervenants étaient in..

Comment penser le rapport du droit universel au droit particulier? Au regard du droit universel, la Conférence épiscopale et le Synode diocésain semblent des réalités résiduelles. Cependant, du point de vue ecclésiologique, «particularité» et «universalité» ne sont pas deux réalités différentes mais deux dimensions formelles de la catholica. La catholicité doit s’exprimer dans le droit particulier, sans quoi la pluralité n’est plus honorée et l’unité se mue en uniformité.

El presente artículo analiza el enfrentamiento entre la obra de Suárez y la de Berkeley. Suárez es un representante de la corriente jesuita de la Contrarreforma comprometida en una polémica con Jaime I de Inglaterra sobre la fundación y la legitimidad del poder de derecho divino en la _Defensio __fidei catholicae adversus de anglicana secta_. La teoría de Berkeley, obispo anglicano ortodoxo y conservador que se ocupa de la obediencia pasiva fiel al imperativo paulino según el cual « el (...) que resiste a la autoridad civil resiste al orden que Dios ha establecido» está desarrollada en _Sobre la obediencia pasiva_. Tal enfrentamiento permite reformular la cuestión de la base del consentimiento a la ley, así como la de los límites que le corresponde o no al ser razonable y libre, poder aplicarlo. La comparación se realiza a partir del análisis de 1) Los límites del poder transferido por la comunidad política al soberano; 2) las condiciones para la desobediencia y 3) la necesidad ontológica de la resistencia. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:IntroductionWilliam J. ConnellOne of the more unusual works in the corpus of the Italian humanist Lorenzo Valla is the Oratio in principio sui studii, on the relation between Latin letters and the Christian faith. The speech was written and delivered in October 1455, toward the end of Valla’s life, as a lecture to inaugurate the academic year at the University of Rome where he had held the chair in (...) rhetoric since 1450. It was traditional at Rome to hold such an address each year not only to encourage the assembled students and faculty in their studies but also to thank the papacy for its support of the university, the Studium Urbis. For this reason Valla’s speech ends with customary words praising Pope Calixtus III for having increased the stipends of the lecturers in the university, even though, notwithstanding some remarkable kindnesses to Valla himself, Calixtus’s reputation was not that of a friend to scholarship. Valla’s Schoolyear Inaugural was not lengthy: it can only have lasted fifteen minutes. Nor is there indication that anyone was displeased with it. In fact, that is precisely what is oddest about the Inaugural, for throughout his career Valla had shown himself to be the sort of person who seized on such occasions to make polemical arguments. We read the speech—and it is possible that his audience also listened to it this way—expecting with each step that Valla will let fly a critical or unorthodox statement, but that never happens. 1Beginning with his earliest formal work, a comparison of Cicero and Quintilian written in 1428 and now lost, in which the humanist argued against Cicero on behalf of Quintilian, Valla seemed to delight in challenging established authorities. 2 His next important work, an attack on Bartolus of [End Page 1] Sassoferrato and the scholastic method of contemporary jurists, resulted in his forced departure from the University of Pavia. 3 A continuing combativeness is illustrated in subsequent writings, reaching an apogee in the work on the Donation. Even when Valla was developing another writer’s idea, he had a consistent way of pushing the argument to a daring extreme. This, as Riccardo Fubini argues below, is what Valla did in the De donatione, a work Fubini suggests relied more heavily on Nicholas of Cusa’s De concordantia catholica than hitherto realized, but written to promote an agenda far more radical than that of Cusanus. One of the surest indications of Valla’s brilliance as a polemicist is the fact that seventy years after his death humanists of the caliber of Agostino Steuco, the subject of Ronald K. Delph’s essay in this number, were still eager to take up cudgels against him.Valla paid a price for initiating so many disputes. In 1444, when he was called before the Inquisition in Naples after the attack on the Donation of Constantine, Valla was made to answer charges against not only that work, but also against the De vero bono for its Epicureanism, the De libero arbitrio for its determinism, the De professione religiosorum for its criticism of religious orders, and the Repastinatio totius dialectice et philosophie for various unorthodox statements, especially concerning the Trinity. This last work was the humanist’s most ambitious project, and he seems to have been aware of its explosive quality, since he alluded to a “peril to his life” should it be published. 4The 1455 Schoolyear Inaugural shows no trace of the risks that Valla took in his other writings, of his polemical temperament, or of his past disagreements with the Church. With style and vigor the speech argues that the Church deserves great thanks and praise for having ensured the survival [End Page 2] of Latin letters after the collapse of the Empire. This may seem a notable change of heart in the author who had written the oration On the Falsely Believed and Forged Donation of Constantin—a text which always seems to be lurking in the background of the Inaugural but which finds no explicit reference there. Given the proximity of Valla’s argument to the well-worn medieval theme of the translatio studii, his argument could hardly have been... (shrink)

"De unitate intellectus contra Averroistas" from Thomas Aquinas. Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274), sanctus, doctor Ecclesiae catholicae, theologus italianus et philosophus mediaevalis.

Die Demonstratio evangelica des Eusebios von Kaisareia hat zu allen Zeiten weit weniger Interesse und Leser gefunden als ihr Gegenstück, die Praeparatio evangelica. Dementsprechend spärlich ist auch die handschriftliche Überlieferung des Textes in byzantinischer Zeit. Die zweite Hälfte des Werkes , die Photios wohl noch kannte, ging bis auf einige Fragmente des XV. Buches verloren, die erste Hälfte ist in vergleichsweise wenigen Handschriften überliefert, von denen nur drei vor dem 15. Jh. entstanden sind. Nach Heikel, von dem die heute noch (...) maßgebende Edition stammt, gehen alle erhaltenen Textzeugen auf den Codex Parisinus gr. 469 aus dem 12. Jh. zurück. Dieser Sachverhalt läßt sich schon daraus erschließen, daß alle weiteren Handschriften – mit zwei zu besprechenden Ausnahmen – zu Beginn , in Buch V und am Ende Lücken aufweisen, die durch Blattverluste im Parisinus bedingt sind. Vor allem die umfangreiche Lücke von 8 Folien zu Beginn des Parisinus hatte eine erhebliche Verstümmelung des Werkes zur Folge, die in den frühen Drucken nicht beseitigt werden konnte. Erst Johann Albert Fabricius druckte in seinem 1725 in Hamburg erschienenen Delectus argumentorum et syllabus scriptorum veritatis religionis Christianae den fehlenden Text des Anfangs und Endes aus einem Codex der Bibliothek des Fürsten der Walachei, Nikolaos Mavrokordatos, ab. Den fehlenden Abschnitt von Buch V ergänzte dann Heikel selbst aus dem Codex Bononiensis 3644 , der nach ihm ebenso wie der ‚Codex Maurocordati‘ des Fabricius eine Abschrift aus dem noch nicht verstümmelten Parisinus ist. (shrink)

Risposte alle censure dell' "Ateismo triunfato" (1631).--Documenta ad Gallorum nationem.--Consultationes aphoristicae gerendae rei praesentis temporis cum Austriacis ac Italis ad hispanismi delectionem perficiendam (1635).--Compendium veritatis catholicae et falsitatis sectariorum de praedestinatione.--Censure al "De praedestinationes" (1636).

St. Augustine initially discovered the Bible through Manichaean eyes, but later engaged in intense anti-Manichaean polemics largely centered on the Old Testament. To shed light on what Augustine learned about the Manichaean approach to the OT during his Manichaean youth, this study gathers and analyzes relevant excerpts from De Genesi aduersus Manichaeos, De moribus ecclesiae catholicae et de moribus Manichaeorum, and Augustine’s testimonies about his Manichaean years in Confessions and De agone christiano. It is shown that Augustine the Manichaean (...) gained extensive knowledge of the Manichaean biblical criticism and was well versed in the Manichaean arguments and polemical strategies. Notwithstanding his own polemical remarks, Augustine was well aware that the Manichaeans did not reject the OT outright and used some vetero-testamentary narratives in their own teaching. The paper also discusses written and oral sources of Augustine’s knowledge of the Manichaean position. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:THE SUMMA CONTRA GENTILES RECONSIDERED: ON THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE DE TRINITATE OF HILARY OF POITIERS JOSEPH WAWRYKOW University of Notre Dame Notre Dame, Indiana 0 NE OF THE most difficult and puzzling of Aquinas's works, the Summa contra Gentiles, has occasioned much controversy among scholars.1 Who are the gentiles against whom Thomas is writing? Is the work principally philosophical or theological in character? Why has Thomas delayed discussion (...) of the central Christian truths of Trinity and Incarnation to the fourth and final book of the contra Gentiles? How much credence should be given to the slightly later story (that is, post-Thomas) that Thomas composed the Summa contra Gentiles for "missionary purposes"?-these, and other such questions, have exercised the imagination of numerous students of Aquinas. In the recent literature, Mark Jordan's " The Protreptic Structure of the Summa contra Gentiles,, without doubt offers the most 1 Thomas Aquinas, Liber de Veritate Catholicae Fidei contra errores Infidelium seu 'Summa contra Geiitiles' Vols. II-III. Edited by C. Pera, P. Marc and P. Caramello (Turin: Marietti, 1961). References to the ScG list the book, chapter, and section numbers according to the Marietti edition. P. Marc in Volume I of this edition (Turin: Marietti, 1967), provides an indispensable introduction to the principal issues in the scholarship, with a strong emphasis on the problem of dating; see especially chapter I, article 3. For an English translation, see A. Pegis et al., Summa contra Gentiles, Vols. IIV (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1975). I would like to express my gratitude to the Institute for Scholarship in the Liberal Arts, University of Notre Dame, for a summer stipend that has supported the writing of this atricle. 617 618 JOSEPH WAWRYKOW innovative and promising approach to this controversial work.2 Jordan has raised the study of the contra Gentiles to a new level by identifying its genre through careful analysis. As his title indicates, for Jordan Thomas's Summa contra Gentiles is a protreptic work, an invitation to wisdom, to be precise, an invitation to Christian wisdom. Issued by one Christian to other Christians, the contra Gentiles in this view is a recommendation of the more serious and sustained pursuit of the Christian form of life, a recommendation that includes in its survey of the different layers of Christian wisdom the depiction of the failings of alternative, non-Christian, versions of truth.3 In the hands of Aquinas, this protreptic, moreover, itself becomes a schooling in wisdom (Jordan, p. 209) : in following Thomas in the numerous discrete arguments that constitute the contra Gentiles, the Christian reader will in fact become imbued in Christian wisdom, thus anticipating in the present life the completion of this pursuit of wisdom that will be provided in the beatific vision in the next. Jordan's is a powerful study and, on the basis of its structural observations about the contra Gentiles, both large and local, would seem in its core insight to be fundamentally correct. His recognition of the protreptic structure permits a balanced assessment of the traditional questions addressed to the contra Gentiles (for details, see the article), while highlighting the positive, Christian-theological intentions of Aquinas in composing this work. Yet, by observing two points at which his analysis flags, it will be possible to add to Jordan's genuine contribution. The first of these observations concerns Jordan's treatment of 2 Mark D. Jordan, "The Protreptic Structure of the Summa contra Gentiles," The Thomist 50 (1986) : 173-209. I have benefitted greatly from extended conversations with Professor Jordan about his work on the contra Gentiles. 3 Jordan specifies the term "protreptic" as follows (p. 192): "A protreptic was originally a persuasion to the study and practice of some art or skill; for philosophic writers, it became an exhortation to the practice of the philosophic art, which required virtues of inquiry and contemplation." Later (p. 194), Jordan indicates the ways in which Thomas has transformed ancient protreptic in offering this Christian protreptic. HILARY'S DE TRINITATE AND AQUINAS 619 Aquinas's approach to scripture in the fourth book of the Summa contra Gentiles. That the analysis of Thomas's approach here to scripture needs... (shrink)

Ce livre comprend deux parties principales: 1) une introduction generale et un essai de synthese; 2) un dictionnaire de plus de 100 auteurs actifs dans le domaine de la philosophie. Le College des Jesuites a Cracovie et - a partir de 1932 - la Faculte de Philosophie erigee par la Congregation Vaticane pro Institutione Catholica dans le meme College fut le principal centre philosophique des jesuites en Pologne. Jusqu'en 1989, il y avait seulement les jesuites - sauf quelques rares exceptions (...) - qui pouvait etudier a la Faculte. Leur nombre variait suivant les annees. Entre les deux guerres mondiales, il y en avait 84 en 1932 et 127 en 1935, dont 20 etrangers. Apres la guerre, leur nombre a diminue. On note le plus grand nombre d'etudiants en 1955/56 - 104. En meme temps, il y a eu 14 professeurs. (shrink)

A la muerte de Suárez algunos de sus escritos permanecían aún inéditos. De ellos se hablaba ya en las primeras cartas que comunicaban su fallecimiento. Así, el P. Núñez Mascarenhas, superior de la casa de Lisboa donde falleció el insigne teólogo, decía al provincial de la Compañía de Jesús en el reino de Aragón: "El P. Suárez se había recogido en el Noviciado para preparar la impresión de varios volúmenes: primero, el De Angelis; segundo, el De opere sex dierum [en (...) adelante, DOSD]; tercero, De fide; cuarto y quinto, De gratia y De auxiliis; sexto y séptimo, De statu religionis; octavo, De voluntario et involuntario"3. (shrink)

RésuméCet article a été inspiré par l'opposition qui semble exister entre les deux grands courants animant l'œuvre de M. Bachelard.Les auteurs rappellent la différence existant entre une organisation predicative et une organisation dialectique de la connaissance. La connaissance objective est de structure dialectique. Il en résulte que l'évolution de cette connaissance s'accompagne d'un processus obligé de dévalorisation et de revalorisation relative de ses formes antérieures.Ce même processus rend aussi compte des rapports de la pensée poétique et de la pensée objective (...) et scientifique.Dans cette perspective, l'unité d'inspiration de l'œuvre de M. Bachelard est parfaitement évidente. — F. et J.‐P. G. (shrink)

Ce texte a déjà paru dans la Revue européenne des sciences sociales – European Journal of Social Science, XLVII-143, 2009, p. 65-85. I. Introduction : Avec la publication en 1862 de l'ouvrage de Clément Juglar, Des crises commerciales et de leur retour périodique, la France devint l'un des lieux de naissance du concept de cycle d'affaires. L'Académie des sciences morales et politiques avait en effet organisé l'année précédente un concours destiné à « rechercher les causes et signaler les effets des (...) - Économie et Marxisme – Nouvel article. (shrink)

On sème le doute en participant à des réunions, en soutenant des rencontres, en mettant en contact ou en organisant des événements locaux ou nationaux, comme les Journées d’Été des Savoirs Engagés et Reliés. On accueille les dissonant·es en partageant ouvertement, dans des cadres de confiance, nos doutes, nos observations, en se soutenant mutuellement.